Opinion
Musings on Atiku’s “ALUTA” Career

By Tunde Olusunle
Permit me to commence by recommending the publication titled: Atiku: The Story of Atiku Abubakar to those with peripheral understanding of Nigeria’s charismatic former Vice President who was deputy to Olusegun Obasanjo. There’s been quantum misrepresentation underscored by plain political mischief, debauchery and chicanery in the public sphere, about the man. The book under reference was authored by Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo, one of Nigeria’s finest journalists and writers in his time, who, very sadly and tragically departed in year 2017. Onukaba had the distinction of having authored full length, painstakingly researched and brilliantly rendered biographies on Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s former military Head of State and later, democratically elected President, and Atiku. The 338-page book on Atiku was published in 2006. It remains a key reference document on Atiku whose name has been a recurring decimal in national politics in the last four decades.
We are generally cognisant of developments in our most recent political experience. The phenomenal failure of the preceding administration of Muhammadu Buhari could only have negatively impacted the fortunes of his aspiring successor flying the flag of his party, the All Progressives Congress, (APC), at the presidential poll. A rehash of the failings and faltering of Buhari who contested twice on the springboard of the APC, evokes palpable sighs, teary emotions, even gnashing of teeth. Those years of the locusts are best shifted to the depths of distant memory. The song and slogan on the streets encapsulated mass discontent and a steely determination to excoriate that regime which typified hunger, anger, poverty, insensitivity, insecurity and gloom in totality. Nigerians were poised to speak, loud and very clear with their voter’s cards at the polls.
The APC superstructure, however, resorted to what the unforgettable Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, revered as precursor of Afrobeat, described as “government magic,” in one of his trademark political compositions. “White was turned into blue, red transformed into green,” as Fela’s song continues. Technological innovations acquired by INEC for humongous sums at the collective expense of taxpayers to facilitate seamsless electoral processes, were summarily dumped in the sewers. Returning officers of opposition parties were bludgeoned, ballot boxes grabbed, tallying sheets mutilated and voter figures presumably fiddled with. INEC in the wee hours of Wednesday March 1, 2023, announced a presidential result when votes were still being added together. Mahmood Yakubu, Chairman of INEC, proclaimed results which didn’t send Nigerians to the streets in freestyle jubilation. Conversely, Nigeria was swaddled by cemetery-type quiet and has remained so ever since.
In his continuing quest to ensure strict adherence to the rule of law in a democracy, Atiku immediately approached the highest court in the land, the Supreme Court, to take another look at the suspect and hazy pronouncements of the PEPT. Side by side with this, Atiku, a veteran and hero of many struggles, stretched the net of his fishing expedition. The question of document adulteration, forgery and scamming has recurred in instances over time since the early months of the running republic. The very first Speaker of the House of Representatives back in 1999, Salisu Buhari, was forced to resign over allegations of certificate forgery. He had tendered a fake certificate from the “University of Toronto” in his quest for a seat in the lower parliament.
The first finance minister under Buhari, Kemi Adeosun, voluntarily resigned from office in 2018. Questions were raised about the authenticity of the certificate issued to her upon the completion of the mandatory one-year National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC). A quintessential omoluabi, the well groomed and well mannered within the Yoruba context, she quietly exited and moved on. She refused to be sucked in by the razzmatazz of Nigerian-style public office, where aides fall over themselves handling all manner of chores for the “oga at the top,” a phrase which became familiar years back. Adeosun demonstrated un-Nigerian grit to have chosen the path she did, despite serving under a President, Buhari, who himself could not present his “ordinary level school certificate” usually issued by the West African Examinations Council, (WAEC).
News out of Chicago State University, (CSU) in the United States, in the inquest into the matter of alleged forgery instituted by Atiku against Tinubu, seems to validate previous presumptions. The President might just have manufactured his certificate. Following from documents submitted to INEC ahead of the presidential election, Tinubu made no entries for his primary and secondary schools, got admitted into the Chicago-based citadel for his tertiary institution and posted a blank section for his NYSC certificate. There is also the controversy about his gender during his studentship in CSU. Was he male or female? It has been virtually confirmed that Tinubu plausibly appropriated the social security number and sex of a female Nigerian student with that identity. The photograph of a lady by the name: “Adenike Abimbola Tinubu” has been trending on the internet in recent days. Tinubu’s frequently used first name, “Bola” is without a prefix or suffix. This is inconsistent with known Yoruba christening patterns. Atiku’s pakute, the Yoruba expression for “trap,” seems to have clapsed Tinubu’s ankle.
Sadly, very tragically sadly, sections of the Nigerian elite are hailing, supporting and serenading Tinubu as the “actor” or “bad guy” in an action movie. He seems to have outwitted his adversaries in the plot of the screenplay, deploying a combination of street smartness and crookedness. He is adulated as the baba’sale, the don of the backwaters, in the storyline. And because the mythical Tinubu is involved in this mire, identity theft and certificate plagiarism are admissible and proper. Some of us have indeed been repeatedly vilified by Tinubu apologists and “e-rats” on the social media. I’ve serially maintained though that he doesn’t equate the values, qualities and standards of archetypal Yoruba forerunners.
The Obafemi Awolowos, Samuel Akintolas, Abraham Adesanyas, Adeniran Ogunsanyas, Lateef Jakandes, Adekunle Ajasins, Bisi Adebanjos, Bola Iges, Reuben Fasorantis, Ayo Adebanjos, Olu Falaes, authentic Yoruba frontiersmen, were substantially transparent and respected. The contemporary Asiwaju, however, might just have been found to be something of a perjurer. His hero-worshippers and cult followers, however, want him profiled simply as a lesser cheat! Reminds of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s uncanny distinction between “stealing” and “corruption!” Tinubu’s choristers are totally blinded to the spiral effects of this national and global embarrassment. The Nigerian President should be largely overboard in many ways.
Like my brother journalist and scholar Tivlumun Nyitse said at a forum, “those who made us believe that they were champions in the pursuit of truth, justice and fair play have suddenly lost their moral compass.” They have turned a blind eye to the discovery of a career impostor who has conned his way to the marketplace as lead performer in the community orchestra. They have spontaneously become the cheerleaders of a certified trickster. They are oblivious of how grievously this development can impact the worldview of the younger generation. Those our generation is frantically attempting to wean off fatalistic subscriptions to cultism, truancy, alcoholism, drugs, and so on, now have a ready-made model. They now know they can get to the very top irrespective of the crookedness of the route they ply.
Social media reports are already proffering that the qualifications and certifications of some Nigerian professionals abroad will be re-evaluated. Previously, Nigerians across the world, especially in the United States and United Kingdom, always headlined the classifications of the most educated and most qualified professionals, amongst immigrants. As deliberate government policy, Nigeria indeed once exported excess human capacity to needy African and Caribbean countries under the “Technical Aids Corps,” (TAC), initiated by the government of former military President Ibrahim Babangida, three decades ago. We are now susceptible to hurtful taunts by cheeky immigration clerks in Johannesburg and Dubai, asking us for updates about the certificate forgery saga involving our President.
The prescription of popular revisit to the book Atiku: The Story of Atiku Abubakar, stems largely from the need to appreciate the beginnings of Atiku’s activist engagements. His triumph in forensically busting the compounded falsification, forgeries and frauds related to the President’s credentials, is product of longstanding, albeit subtle involvement in popular causes. He served his apprenticeship during his days as a student at the “School of Hygiene” (now known as the School of Health Technology), Kano, and the Institute of Administration of the Ahmadu Bello University, (ABU), Zaria, respectively. He was a student of both institutions between 1966 and 1969. In the former, Atiku’s deft handling of a brewing students’ disquiet earned him election as “President Emeritus!” He was just 20 at the time. While studying for a diploma in law in ABU, he contested for the positions of Assistant Secretary General and Deputy Speaker of the Students’ Union Parliament, concurrently. He won resoundingly. He was targeted for elimination by executioners loyal to former military Head of State, General Sani Abacha in his Kaduna home for his pro-democracy endeavours. These experiences, sharpened his dentition for his modern day enterprise.
Atiku’s battles and travails to salvage the Office of the Vice President from immolation by an overbearing President, and the political process from crass impunity by the political class, are properly documented. He pursued many of his misgivings all the way to the Supreme Court and succeeded. Osita Chidoka, a former aviation minister and Farooq Kperogi, a respected US-based Nigerian professor and public scholar have in recent treatises correctly canvassed acclamation for Atiku. His perspiration in helping Nigerians and the global community unravel the “masked man,” (not Lagbaja the masked artiste in this case), who has been our President since May 29, 2023 has paid off handsomely. Atiku invested uncommon ruggedness and peerless activism in the eventual unearthing of the fossils of Nigeria’s Number One Citizen’s cloudy, dodgy, even greasy credentials. Not too many previously knew the aluta component of the overall makeup of the typically calm and calculating Atiku.
The ball at this point, is squarely and effectively in the court of the man so openly disrobed, of Nigerians at large and the judiciary.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE)
Opinion
The Labour strike and FG’S Inertia – The way forward

By Prof. Mike A. A. Ozekhom, SAN, CON , OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.SC, DA, DHL
Labour has literally grounded Nigeria – from airports, hospitals, tertiary institutions, to electricity which has plunged the biggest black nation on earth into total darkness. I am in full, complete and total support of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress’ (TUC)’s current national strike for upward review of the FG’s proposed minimum wage of N60,000 per month. NLC and TUC had also demanded that the government reverses the increase in electricity tariff to N65/KWH. When talks broke down with none of the parties shifting grounds, Labour commenced a strike action on the midnight of Sunday 2nd June, 2024. FG’s proposed meagre salary is certainly not a living wage in today’s Nigeria. At the current parallel market exchange rate of N1,470 to one dollar, the wage being conceded by the Federal Government to labour is a mere $40.82 per month (N60,000), while the NLC and TUC are asking for a whooping N615,500 per month.
By way of comparative analysis with some other countries globally, the monthly minimum wage in the United States is US$1,160 ( N1,705,200); UK £1,376 (N2,528,950); Canada 2,464 CAD (N2,710,400); France £1,539.42 (N2,847,927); Ghana GHC 2,904 (N292,548.96) Rwanda RWF 56,668 (N64,602); South Africa R4,067.2 – R4,412.8 (N322,406.944 – N349,802.656); Botswana P1,168 (N122,056); Germany £1,985.6 (N3,673,360) Australia AUD3531.2 (N 3,490,414.64); Kenya is KES15,201 (N172,683.36). In UAE, there is no general minimum wage as it differs from profession to profession. However, for skilled Labourers AED 5,000 (N2,019,435); people with University degrees AED12,000 (N4,846,644); qualified technicians AED 7,000 (N2,827,209); South Korea is 2,010,580 Won (N2,161,574.558). China differs from city to city. However, Shanghai is RMB 2,690 per month (N551,181) and Heilongjiang RMB 1,450 (N 297,105). Singapore does not prescribe a general minimum wage for all its workers. However, the minimum Singaporean wage is averaged at 6,792SGD/Month = N7,464,408).
Even though Rwanda and Botswana’s minimum wage per month which is RWF 56,668 (N64,602) and P1,168 (N122,056), respectively, appears meagre, the two countries have since put in place social services that cushion the masses’ suffering and put them on a developmental path. Imdeed, they are two of the fastest growing economies not only in Africa, but also in the world. We do not have such in Nigeria. Nigeria is perhaps the only country in the world that brazenly defies Isaac Newton’s Law of Motion to the effect that “what goes up must come down”. In Nigeria, once prices of good go up, they never come down.
Are these countries and us not living on the same Planet earth? We are, of course.
With the present spirally inflation, N60,000 cannot even buy one bag of rice which today sells for between N80,000 and N120,000 depending on the grade and quality.
What is the way forward from this FG-Labour face-off and stalemate? Part of the solution lies in steering a middle course between labour’s N615,500 per month demand and the FG’s proposal of N60,000 per month. This is more so having regard to the impossibility of the private sector, especially small scale businesses and private professions, having the capacity and economic wherewithal to pay such exorbitant wage. Another solution lies in public office holders making deliberate sacrifices in the midst of public angst and disenchantment by cutting down their ostentatiously vulgar lifestyle of ugly display of opulence and their sheer exhibitionism of wealth in mindless convoys of vehicles in the midst of grinding poverty and wretchedness of the masses. The Nigerian people are not happy at all. Anyone who advises the government to the contrary is nothing but a fawner, bootlicker, ego masseur, toady flatterer and clapper.
Opinion
Rivers political crisis: Fubara raves as Wike likely retreats (5)

By Ehichioya Ezomon
Has the political heat in Rivers State simmered in the past week to suggest perhaps – just perhaps – that conventional wisdom has taken hold of the dramatis personae in the crisis to pull back from the precipice they’ve pushed the state in the last eight months?
There’s nothing on the ground to suggest otherwise, even as Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, played their brand of politics at separate locations, trying to undo each other in showcasing achievements in their official jurisdictions, to mark one-year in the saddles in Rivers and Abuja, respectively.
Amid “all the distractions from those that want to draw Rivers State backward,” Fubara invited prominent persons from within and outside Rivers – including Abia State Governor Alex Otti of the rival Labour Party (LP), and former Rivers Governor Peter Odili – to launch projects he “executed in record time, and with full payments to the contractors” – an obvious dig at Wike for allegedly failing to pay contractors for their services.
As is the routine in Rivers governance, especially since the Wike’s helm, Fubara, using his “State of the State” address to render account of his one-year stewardship, revealed the “huge debts to contractors” that Wike left behind for his government.
At the Dr. Obi Wali International Conference Centre in Port Harcourt on Wednesday, May 29, Fubara said his administration “inherited 34 uncompleted projects, valued at over N225.279bn in 13 local government areas of the state,” adding that the contractors, who executed the 34 projects, have come to him for payments.
Fubara stated that though he inherited a state, “whose economy was on a declining trajectory despite its growth potential,” his government has changed the narrative for the better by “increasing astronomically internally-generated revenue from N12 billion to between N17 billion in off-peak periods and N28 billion during the peak months.”
“Our liberalized business-friendly economic policies and programmes are boosting confidence and attracting local and international investors and investments into the State, judging by the expression of interest offers we receive every month.” Fubara said.
“We have kept our taxes low, frozen the imposing of taxes on small businesses across the State, and increased the ease of doing business by eliminating bureaucratic bottlenecks. No request for the signing of a certificate of occupancy (CoO) remains in my office beyond two days, except if I am otherwise engaged beyond two days or out of town.
“We have established a N4 billion matching fund with the Bank of Industry (BOI), to support existing and new micro, small, and medium-sized businesses (MSMEs) to grow their businesses to drive economic growth and create jobs and wealth for citizens. Over 3,000 citizens and residents have applied to access this loan to fund their businesses at a single-digit interest rate, and a repayment period of up to five years.”
Commissioning the completed projects – mostly inherited from the Wike administration (2015-2023) – the invited guests heaped praises on Fubara, not only for achieving commendable strides within a short time, but also for “liberating Rivers State” from Wike’s stranglehold – the same Wike that some of the invitees had praised to the heavens barely a year ago.
For instance, Dr Odili, an erstwhile ally of Wike, noted that Fubara “has taken full control of governance in the State,” stressing that the governor is “focusing on the people” in line with his chosen mantra: ‘People First’. It’s on Saturday, May 25, at the inauguration of the dualised Omoku-Egbema road in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni local government area (ONELGA) of the state.
An elated Odili even predicted a seamless second-term election for Fubara in 2027, and urged him to remain focused on the people, giving succour to the less-privileged and hope to those who do not have anyone to help them go through life’s challenges.
“I can tell our people that the next election is very far, but what the Governor has done so far, is enough to secure the support of Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area going forward,” Odili said. “Thank you, Your Excellency, because the greatest assets of the State remain the people, not oil and gas.
“The people of Rivers are behind you, rallying support for you because they trust you, believing in what you say and convinced that you mean whatever you say,” Odili said, adding, “I want to agree with you that the sky would become the takeoff point of your administration.”
Relatedly in Abuja, it’s Wike’s days in the sky. Though he didn’t have the luxury of throwing brickbats at Fubara – and there’s no surrogates to do same for him – Wike had the rare privilege of enlisting President Bola Tinubu to launch some of the projects that were “abandoned for decades,” and received applause from Tinubu for returning and restoring Abuja’s Master Plan, and transforming the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
On Tuesday, May 28, at the commissioning of the Southern Parkway, which Wike proclaimed as “Bola Ahmed Tinubu Way” – a crucial infrastructure project that’s dormant for 13 years before Wike’s intervention – the President described the minister’s vision as “inspiring many and yielding remarkable results in the FCT.”
Tinubu said: “Barr Nyesom Wike, ‘Mr. Project,’ thank you for giving us this home and for your sincere commitment to shared values. Your revolutionary vision is inspiring many and yielding remarkable results in the FCT.”
Highlighting the significance of the road, the President said, “The Southern Parkway not only connects vital areas within the FCT, but also symbolises our collective aspirations for connectivity, ease of livelihood, and progress. This road will enhance mobility, ease traffic congestion, and spur economic development for residents and visitors alike.
“Infrastructure is an enabler of jobs, economic growth, and prosperity. We are committed to building a world-class capital city, and the completion of this road is a testament to that commitment. Making our citizens the central focus of our development is crucial for Nigeria’s success,” Tinubu stated.
Earlier, Wike noted: “This landmark project is the first amongst nine visionary projects scheduled for commissioning by Mr. President in the coming days. It represents a significant milestone in our collective efforts to enhance the infrastructure and livability of our great capital and her inhabitants.
“As we mark the first year of your transformative leadership, Mr. President, this event underscores our shared commitment to progress, innovation, and the enduring prosperity of Nigeria.”
Yet, the make-for-the-cameras pomp and ceremony, razzmatazz, accolades, hand-pumping and backslapping by politicians in Port Harcourt and Abuja are but a temporary relief or diversion to mask the “real politic” in Rivers, where Governor Fubara’s fighting the battle of his life to cage Chief Wike, and save his governorship and political career heading into the 2027 General Election.
The fourth installment of this article on Monday, May 27, 2024, examined two strategies that Fubara could adopt to handle Wike and his sacked loyal members of the Rivers Assembly, and local council chairmen, whose tenure ends in June 2024, but have vowed to remain in office until “elected officials” were installed in the Rivers local councils. Below’s a recap:
First, Fubara could evict the lawmakers from the Rivers State House of Assembly Residential Quarters in Port Harcourt – where they and their families domicile, and use as a legislative chamber – to deny them the venue and avenue to make laws and/or plot his impeachment.
Second, Fubara could copy his counterparts, and withhold the lawmakers’ emoluments, and allocations to the legislature – as he’s allegedly done to the April 2024 allocations to the councils – to checkmate the legislators, whose seats have lately been redeclared “vacant” by a Rivers High Court.
Let’s now proceed to interrogate the remaining measures, beginning with the Third, as follows: When push comes to shove, Fubara could muscle the pro-Wike lawmakers by physical attacks on them, their homes and businesses, the aim being to overraw, and hound them, to sabotage their plans to make his government ungovernable, and pave the way for his impeachment – the aim of the lawmakers from onset of the Rivers crisis.
Recall Fubara’s declaration about the lawmakers early in 2024: “I think it has gotten to a time when I need to make a statement on this thing, so that they (lawmakers) understand that they are not existing. Their existence and whatever they have been doing is because I allowed them to do so. If I don’t recognise them, they are nowhere. That is the truth.
“I can say here, with all amount of boldness, I have never called any police man anywhere to go and harass anybody. I have never gone anywhere to ask anybody to do anything against anybody.
“Even when I have all the instruments of State powers, I have shown restraint, I have acted as a big brother in the course of this crisis. I have not acted like a young man that may want the house to be destroyed but, I have behaved like a mature young man that I am.
“This is because I know that no meaningful development will be achieved in an atmosphere of crisis. And because our intention for Rivers State is to build on the foundation that had been laid by our past leaders, it will be wrong for me to take the path of promoting crisis.”
Interpreted, the pro-Wike lawmakers – already in the lurch over series of court rulings sacking and re-sacking them, and voiding all legislative actions they took in the course of the Rivers crisis – shouldn’t underrate Fubara’s powers and resolve – if pushed against the wall – to roar like the lion, attack like the hyena and bite like the crocodile!
Barring any “political earthquake” this week in the Rivers crisis, the remaining measures Fubara could deploy to arrest Wike’s alleged hegemonic hold on Rivers State will be interrogated in the next installment of this running header!
- Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria
Sent from my iPad. Ehichioya
Ezomon.
Opinion
Nemesis as a short distance runner

By Tunde Olusunle
When he flung Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, (SLS) out of the window of the Emir’s palace in Kano four years ago, Abdullahi Ganduje would have least imagined what is playing out today. Ganduje was the “Lord of the Manor” in Kano State, the all-powerful chief executive. Recall video clips of Ganduje allegedly stuffing wads and packs of crisp, mint-fresh dollar bills into the bottomless pocket of his babanriga ahead of the 2019 general elections. They were reportedly gifted to him by some contractor ally of the erstwhile Kano governor who was repaying a good turn. Graphic and unassailable as that short motion picture was, former President Muhammadu Buhari who rode into office on the camelback of now suspect integrity in 2015, volunteered a baffling defence for Ganduje. He swore Ganduje was most probably participating in a Kannywood movie, the way the film industry up North is described. Buhari who has never been known to operate a tablet, nay a notepad, suggested that advanced technology could actually simulate what we all saw in that short clip!
Ganduje was the prototype alagbara ma m’ero as we say in Yoruba. This interpretes as the “maximally muscular, minimally reasonable.” He fought a few other prominent Kano leaders during his heydays in Government House. Recall he carried his unabated squabbles with one of his predecessors, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the State House, Aso Villa, during the early weeks of the Bola Tinubu government. Told on one occasion that Kwankwaso was in a particular section of Aso Rock same time as he was in the complex, a vexed Ganduje said Kwankwaso should consider himself fortunate. He said he, Ganduje would have slapped Kwankwaso if he sighted him in the Villa! That would have caused a scene in Nigeria’s seat of power. I’m now just imagining how Tinubu would be trying to restrain Ganduje, in the forecourt of the office of the President, while Vice President Kashim Shettima will be pulling at Kwankwaso’s agbada in a bid to manage the situation.
Ganduje reportedly considered Sanusi too independent-minded and outspoken for a natural ruler. Sanusi was governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), before being appointed Emir in 2014. He had always had a radical streak about him which culminated in his suspension as CBN head in 2014 for blowing the whistle on the theft of $20 Billion in accruals from crude oil sales. As Emir he considered aspects of the religious and cultural practices of his emirate repugnant. He opposed the “ultra-conservative interpretation of Islam” in some parts of northern Nigeria, which discouraged girl-child education, family planning, even inoculation against potential healthcare afflictions. He had reservations about the style of Ganduje as governor and didn’t put a veil over his dislike for the return of Ganduje to Government House in 2019.
He believed Ganduje shouldn’t have made it back if the poll was fairly and transparently conducted. March 9, 2020, Ganduje upended Sanusi. He was accused of negatively impacting the sanctity, culture, tradition, religion and prestige of the Kano emirate, and disrespecting the governor’s office. He was also alleged to have disposed of property belonging to the state and the misappropriated of the proceeds. It was a case of digging several manholes for a prey in a bid to ensure he falls into one of the several traps. He was summarily banished to Nasarawa State for effect. Sanusi sought reprieve in the courts which ruled it was an overkill to fling him to a remote community faraway from his family and more accustomed home in Lagos. Within a few days, Nasir El Rufai, Sanusi’s longstanding friend who was governor of Kaduna State, personally enforced the evacuation of Sanusi from Awe local government area in Nasarawa State.
For whatever his contributions were to the emergence of Tinubu as president after the 2023 polls, Ganduje believed he would be compensated with a ministerial slot in the former’s regime. Like Nyesom Wike, David Umahi, Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, Atiku Bagudu, Simon Lalong, former governors of Rivers, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Kebbi and Plateau states, Ganduje dusted his curriculum vitae to pitch for a slot on Tinubu’s federal executive council. His five colleagues in the “2015 – 2019- 2023 class of governors” made the cut, not Ganduje. Tinubu spontaneously made him chairman of the All Progressives Congress, (APC], the vehicle which delivered him as president. Abdullahi Adamu his predecessor and former governor of Nasarawa State was, as has become standard practice in Nigeria’s notorious political rule book, schemed out and compelled to resign from office.
If Ganduje ever thought his chairmanship of the APC was going to be a walk in the park, he was thoroughly mistaken. Indeed, he’s grossed sufficient experience in his present office to know that there are sharp differences between wholesale insulation in Government House, and the inevitable overexposure of party leadership. Last April, a faction of the APC in Ganduje’s primary “Ganduje ward” in Dawakin Tofa local government area of his home state, Kano, suspended him from the party. Haladu Gwanjo, legal adviser of Ganduje’s ward led some party leaders to pronounce the suspension. They advocated the return of the national chairmanship of the APC to the north central zone, where Ganduje’s predecessor, Adamu, hails from. The young Turks canvassed due process in party administration, consistent with the “renewed hope” mantra of the APC. Ganduje made a hurried recourse to the law courts for momentary reprieve.
Thursday May 23, 2024, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was reinstated as Emir of Kano by Ganduje’s successor in Kano State, Abba Yusuf. His cousin and successor, Aminu Ado-Bayero, was unceremoniously removed from office. The splinter emirates created by Ganduje in his bid to whittle down Sanusi’s authority as prime monarch in Kano, were similarly dissolved. The edifice which Ganduje built four years ago was apparently built of straw and spittle. Governor Abba Yusuf is a product of the Kwankwasiya political tendency in Kano politics, a creation of Rabiu Kwankwaso. Those who know a little about Nigerian politics will recall that Kwankwaso’s emergence in our politics, predates the fourth republic. He was an ardent student of the talakawa political orientation, pioneered by the venerable Kano-born leader, Aminu Kano. Kwankwaso was Deputy Speaker in the House of Representatives of the Ibrahim Babangida political experimentation of 1992 to 1993.
Whereas the Kwankwasiya movement had long been entrenched, it was not until the run-up to the 2023 elections that Kwankwaso adopted a new platform, the Nigeria National People’s Party, (NNPP), on which he is espousing the populist philosophy of the Kwankwasiya brigade. Abba Yusuf rode to office on the back of this invention. It was the same way Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu the famous Biafran war lord, established the All Progressives Grand Alliance, (APGA) in Anambra State. The party has remained a force in the politics of the state and indeed the south east. It has produced three Anambra governors in succession, notably Peter Obi, Willie Obiano and the incumbent Chukwuma Soludo.
Abba Yusuf has made no pretences about his disdain for Ganduje and everything he represents. Much as some of Yusuf’s early actions in office were generally perceived as wasteful, he nonetheless brought down as many edifices in Kano as bore the imprimatur of Ganduje. The “Kano golden jubilee roundabout” built to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the creation of Kano State and structures built inside the filin sukuwa, (Kano race course), were hewn on Yusuf’s orders. The hajj camp which was reportedly bastardised by Ganduje who allegedly parcelled parts of it to his friends and associates was equally felled. There were suggestions that the value of the demolitions carried out by Yusuf could be in excess of N200Billion. Such is the anti-Ganduje sentiment in contemporary Kano State.
The way and manner the legacies of Abdullahi Ganduje are unravelling in Kano State should serve as a lesson to the shortsighted, incapable of seeing beyond the bridges of their nose. History is replete with the deconstruction of many leaders after their rulership and indeed keeps repeating itself in our sociopolitical experience. Those who are not circumspect, however, are too distracted by the allure and bliss of their immediate office, to think. They continue to drift, blunder and flounder, unmindful that time is their ultimate nemesis. Ganduje is just one year out of office, yet many of the decisions he made while in power for eight years are being unmade and thrown at his face like rotten tomatoes.
Until I joined him on the table he was seated at a wedding reception we both attended in Lagos a few weeks back, Rotimi Amaechi, governor of the oil-affluent Rivers State for eight years and Transportation Minister for another eight years was a lonely man. It turned out we flew back to Abuja on the same flight same evening after the event and sat not too far from each other. He opened the overhead locker atop his seat to bring out his luggage himself. Is anyone following the Yahaya Bello saga? He mindlessly trampled upon the hapless heads of his constituents in Kogi State for eight unbroken years? He left office last January and life has not been the same again. He has been declared wanted by at least one anti-graft agency. He will be arraigned in the rectangular, wood-panelled cubicle of the courtroom in a fortnight. A lesson for all.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)
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