Connect with us

Opinion

Why Ahmad Lawan Is APC’s Ace To Winning The 2023 Presidential Elections

Published

on

By Dr. Ezrel Tabiowo 

Ahead of the 2023 general elections, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) must come to terms with the fact that it is bound by obligation as the party in power to present a presidential candidate with acceptance ratings that cuts across the six geo-political zones of the country to ensure unity and stability in all facets of our national existence. 
The party must go the extra mile to re-assure Nigerians by demonstrating that it places premium on performance and the delivery of good governance by rallying support for its best aspirant with the requisite competence, intellectual depth and mental alertness to confront the complex challenges faced by the nation. 
At a time when the Northern and Southern parts of the country are recording an all-time high in loss of lives due to the spate of insecurity and criminal activities, it would appear insensitive and disingenuous for the APC to bend the rules for whatever reason to accommodate regional or any other consideration to advance a zoning arrangement in favour of any aspirant in particular. 
It is common knowledge that the attendant threats constituted by the activities of terrorists, bandits and kidnappers have made our roads and rail system both unsafe means of transportation. Like an analyst said, “it is only a matter of time before the airports become a target as well.”
In the five states of the South East Zone, a region once considered as the bastion of trade, economic activities are grinding almost to a halt as a result of the deadly siege by some rebellious murderers identified as the “unknown gunmen”.  The region has become volatile, uninhabitable and a shadow of what it was in the past. 
In the North, the brazen operations of terrorists and kidnappers –  considered a major security challenge – has led to the shut-down of schools in several northern states. It has also compelled farmers and residents of affected communities to flee for safety and seek refuge in camps for Internally Displaced Persons in Niger and Benue States, respectively, including the Federal Capital Territory. 
The worrisome situation signals a looming humanitarian crises likely to snowball into unimaginable proportions if not squarely contained and, of course, this is not to mention the threat to food security which it poses. 
In the South-South region, the one-time security problem of kidnapping and militancy has evolved into the criminal enterprise of crude oil theft perpetrated by hardened criminals and economic saboteurs for monetary gains to the detriment of the Nigerian economy. 
At a meeting between the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, Oil Producers Trade Section, and the Independent Petroleum Producers Group sometime in March, this year, it was revealed that Nigeria lost about $3.2 billion (USD) to crude oil theft between January and February, 2022. 
The staggering amount, when converted at an exchange rate of N416.25 to the dollar, comes to a whopping N1.36 trillion as loss to the nation for just a two-month period alone. 
Such an amount as accruing revenue could go into funding the country’s N6.25 trillion budget deficit for the year 2022, without Federal Government’s recourse to financing with new borrowings, privatisation proceeds and drawdown on loans secured for specific projects. 
The enormity of the issues above, present a rather complex set of challenges that demand a hands-on approach to leadership and governance in the quest to have them addressed.

The Lawan Factor In Shaping A New Nigeria

Senator Ahmad Lawan, a University Lecturer was born on the 12th of January, 1959. He was first elected in 1999 to represent Bade/Jakusko Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), a position he held until 2007, when he contested the Senatorial election to represent Yobe North District in the Senate.
As a Lawmaker of the upper chamber, he was a member of the National Assembly’s Committee on Constitution Review in 2008; and later appointed as Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee in 2009. He served in that capacity in the 6th and 7th Assembly – between 2009 and 2015. 
While Chairing the Public Accounts Committee at the time, Lawan ensured strict probity and accountability in the country’s financial system by ensuring that government spendings by relevant Ministries, Departments and Agencies were properly accounted for, and duly in accordance with the provisions of the law.  
The number of times I covered the meetings which he presided over, left me wondering how he managed to stay ahead of the agencies when it came to working the books. Even more surprising is the fact that his memory is as sharp as ever to retain even the smallest details. His vast experience in Public Accounts can be said to have subsequently informed his views on why it has become expedient for the Federal Government to identify areas of waste to cut down on annual expenditures in the national budget. 

Lawan’s Role In Tackling Banditry, Insurgency 

Apparently not new to dealing with the issue of insecurity, Lawan as Chairman of the Ad-hoc Committee On Review of Security Infrastructure in Nigeria, visited some states affected by the activities of bandits and kidnappers in 2017. The committee was tasked with investigating and unraveling the actual cause of the escalating incidents of insecurity in the north. 
On two occasions, I accompanied him on the fact-finding visits around the worst hit areas, and the stories of victims were quite shocking as they were revealing. It was a time when banditry was gaining grounds in Zamfara and some neighboring states. 
Lawan met with the traditional leaders and victims who narrated their ordeals to members of the Ad-hoc Committee. They narrated how wives and daughters were snatched from the abode of their husbands and parents and taken into the forest to be raped by the terrorists. We were informed that those who struggled to resist them were brutally killed in broad day light and in the presence of relatives. Informants of security agencies were tracked by the bandits to their homes and gruesomely murdered to instill fear in residents. 
They further narrated how the military and security agencies were grossly overpowered as a result of insufficient personnel on the ground to repel the bandits, and, therefore, refused to respond to distress calls from the various communities when under attack. 
In some cases, the marathon meetings between the Ad-hoc Committee and the various communities and representatives of the state governments lasted till about 5 a.m in the morning. 
We also visited some parts of Benue State where IDP camps were situated to accommodate those who fled their homes as a result of the farmers-herders clashes at the time. What my eyes saw on those fact-finding trips exposed me to the Ahmad Lawan most people do not know. He is a fearless leader who would go any length to finding solutions to the problems of Nigerians. He is also the type of leader who would give his all by working round the clock tirelessly towards ensuring that results are achieved. 
In coming up with a report, the Ad-hoc Committee under Lawan’s leadership at the time made recommendations, some of which, interestingly, he subsequently pushed for after becoming the President of the Ninth Senate. 
Top on the recommendations was a request to the federal government for the provision of proper funding of the nation’s security assets, and the enforcement of accountability on the part of the military, police and other agencies. 
Consequently, in 2021, over N800 billion naira was approved by the National Assembly for defense and security; and N996 billion in 2022 – figures which represent the highest monies ever budgeted to Defense for the purpose of increasing the size of the Nigeria Police, Military and other Para-military agencies given the growing population in the country.
It is on record, too, that the Senate President has in the past held several meetings behind closed doors with the country’s Service Chiefs and Heads of Security Agencies at various times when the spate of insecurity was seen to have heightened.
Nigerians believe strongly that he is the only aspirant who is best positioned to do more beyond legislative interventions to address the nation’s security challenges by fully implementing the recommendations of the reports of the adhoc committees on security constituted in the Eighth and Ninth Senate, respectively, if elected President.

Lawan’s Practical And Dogged Approach To Governance 

While contesting the Senate Presidency for a second time in 2019 after an unsuccessful attempt in 2015, Lawan knew he had to come up with a realistic and implementable Agenda that would target critical areas in need of prompt legislative attention for the benefit of Nigerians. 
His legislative blueprint focused on the following key areas: Security, Economy, Criminal Legislation Reform, Public Finance Management Legislations, Youth Unemployment and Substance Abuse, Standard of Education, Healthcare Services, Social Safety Net, and Constitutional Amendments. Other aspects include: Independence of the Legislature, Electoral Reforms, and Reviving the Real Sector and Infrastructure.
In less than three years, the Senate President, through resolute commitment, was able to lead the Ninth National Assembly in driving legislations that ensured the realisation of his agenda. 
Most importantly, he was able to restore the nation’s deformed budget cycle to the January to December timeline which was unachievable under past assemblies since 1999.
His knack to always take on difficult pieces of legislation that hitherto defied passage and have them passed, apparently, makes him one of Nigeria’s most outstanding Senate Presidents with sterling accomplishments to his credit. 
Under his watch, he was able to get the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contract Act amended and passed by the Ninth Assembly. The piece of legislation sees Nigeria earning about $2 billion USD annually from royalties on oil exploration.
Also, revenues generated by the Nigeria Customs Service was shored under Lawan’s leadership. The service had in previous years generated less than N500 billion yearly, an amount which in contrast is abysmally low when compared to the sum of N2.2 trillion generated by the NCS in 2021.
Lawan, while underscoring the need for increased revenues, had severally mandated the Senate Committee on Customs, Excise and Tariffs and relevant Committees to have quarterly engagements with Revenue Generating Agencies in the country to ensure that revenue targets are met and possibly surpassed. 
It therefore does not come as a surprise that the National Assembly set a N3 trillion target for the Service in the year 2022.
According to Lawan, implementing the Finance Act 2021, passed by the National Assembly, would guarantee improved internally generated revenue to boost Nigeria’s earnings and assist revenue agencies in meeting up with targets. 
As it stands, the outcome of the Peoples Democratic Party’s primary has suddenly evoked a longing and clamour amongst Nigerians for Lawan’s emergence as the candidate of the All Progressives Congress against PDP’s Atiku Abubakar. 
Unlike other aspirants, Lawan is considered the darling of the South-East, South-South, South-West, North-East, North-West and North-Central Geo-political Zones of the country. 
Without a doubt, I dare say he is the only aspirant that can campaign across the length and breadth of the country without suffering any rejection. This stems from the belief that he possesses the true Nigerian spirit needed to foster unity and stability, restore peace, and bring about economic prosperity for all. 
Indeed, He is the Ace of the All Progressives Congress in the 2023 presidential contest, and the unifier that Nigeria desperately needs at this time

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

The Labour strike and FG’S Inertia – The way forward

Published

on

By

By Prof. Mike A. A. Ozekhom, SAN, CON , OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.SC, DA, DHL

Labour has literally grounded Nigeria – from airports, hospitals, tertiary institutions, to electricity which has plunged the biggest black nation on earth into total darkness. I am in full, complete and total support of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress’ (TUC)’s current national strike for upward review of the FG’s proposed minimum wage of N60,000 per month. NLC and TUC had also demanded that the government reverses the increase in electricity tariff to N65/KWH. When talks broke down with none of the parties shifting grounds, Labour commenced a strike action on the midnight of Sunday 2nd June, 2024. FG’s proposed meagre salary is certainly not a living wage in today’s Nigeria. At the current parallel market exchange rate of N1,470 to one dollar, the wage being conceded by the Federal Government to labour is a mere $40.82 per month (N60,000), while the NLC and TUC are asking for a whooping N615,500 per month.

By way of comparative analysis with some other countries globally, the monthly minimum wage in the United States is US$1,160 ( N1,705,200); UK  £1,376 (N2,528,950); Canada 2,464 CAD (N2,710,400); France £1,539.42 (N2,847,927); Ghana GHC 2,904 (N292,548.96) Rwanda RWF 56,668 (N64,602); South Africa R4,067.2 – R4,412.8 (N322,406.944 –  N349,802.656); Botswana P1,168 (N122,056); Germany £1,985.6 (N3,673,360) Australia AUD3531.2 (N 3,490,414.64); Kenya is KES15,201 (N172,683.36). In UAE, there is no general minimum wage as it differs from profession to profession. However, for skilled Labourers AED 5,000 (N2,019,435); people with University degrees AED12,000 (N4,846,644); qualified technicians AED 7,000 (N2,827,209); South Korea is 2,010,580 Won (N2,161,574.558). China differs from city to city. However, Shanghai is RMB 2,690 per month (N551,181) and Heilongjiang RMB 1,450 (N 297,105). Singapore does not prescribe a general minimum wage for all its workers. However, the minimum Singaporean wage is averaged at 6,792SGD/Month = N7,464,408).

Even though Rwanda and Botswana’s minimum wage per month which is RWF 56,668 (N64,602) and P1,168 (N122,056), respectively, appears meagre, the two countries have since put in place social services that cushion the masses’ suffering and put them on a developmental path. Imdeed, they are two of the fastest growing economies not only in Africa, but also in the world. We do not have such in Nigeria. Nigeria is perhaps the only country in the world that brazenly defies Isaac Newton’s Law of Motion to the effect that “what goes up must come down”. In Nigeria, once prices of good go up, they never come down.

Are these countries and us not living on the same Planet earth? We are, of course.

With the present spirally inflation, N60,000 cannot even buy one bag of rice which today sells for between N80,000 and N120,000 depending on the grade and quality.

What is the way forward from this FG-Labour face-off and stalemate? Part of the solution lies in steering a middle course between labour’s N615,500 per month demand and the FG’s proposal of N60,000 per month. This is more so having regard to the impossibility of the private sector, especially small scale businesses and private professions, having the capacity and economic wherewithal to pay such exorbitant wage. Another solution lies in public office holders making deliberate sacrifices in the midst of public angst and disenchantment by cutting down their ostentatiously vulgar lifestyle of ugly display of opulence and their sheer exhibitionism of wealth in mindless convoys of vehicles in the midst of grinding poverty and wretchedness of the masses. The Nigerian people are not happy at all. Anyone who advises the government to the contrary is nothing but a fawner, bootlicker, ego masseur, toady flatterer and clapper.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Rivers political crisis: Fubara raves as Wike likely retreats (5)

Published

on

By

Wike, Fubara

By Ehichioya Ezomon 

Has the political heat in Rivers State simmered in the past week to suggest perhaps – just perhaps – that conventional wisdom has taken hold of the dramatis personae in the crisis to pull back from the precipice they’ve pushed the state in the last eight months? 
There’s nothing on the ground to suggest otherwise, even as Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, played their brand of politics at separate locations, trying to undo each other in showcasing achievements in their official jurisdictions, to mark one-year in the saddles in Rivers and Abuja, respectively.
 Amid “all the distractions from those that want to draw Rivers State backward,” Fubara invited prominent persons from within and outside Rivers – including Abia State Governor Alex Otti of the rival Labour Party (LP), and former Rivers Governor Peter Odili – to launch projects he “executed in record time, and with full payments to the contractors” – an obvious dig at Wike for allegedly failing to pay contractors for their services.
 As is the routine in Rivers governance, especially since the Wike’s helm, Fubara, using his “State of the State” address to render account of his one-year stewardship, revealed the “huge debts to contractors” that Wike left behind for his government.
At the Dr. Obi Wali International Conference Centre in Port Harcourt on Wednesday, May 29, Fubara said his administration “inherited 34 uncompleted projects, valued at over N225.279bn in 13 local government areas of the state,” adding that the contractors, who executed the 34 projects, have come to him for payments.
Fubara stated that though he inherited a state, “whose economy was on a declining trajectory despite its growth potential,” his government has changed the narrative for the better by “increasing astronomically internally-generated revenue from N12 billion to between N17 billion in off-peak periods and N28 billion during the peak months.”
 “Our liberalized business-friendly economic policies and programmes are boosting confidence and attracting local and international investors and investments into the State, judging by the expression of interest offers we receive every month.” Fubara said.
 “We have kept our taxes low, frozen the imposing of taxes on small businesses across the State, and increased the ease of doing business by eliminating bureaucratic bottlenecks. No request for the signing of a certificate of occupancy (CoO) remains in my office beyond two days, except if I am otherwise engaged beyond two days or out of town.
 “We have established a N4 billion matching fund with the Bank of Industry (BOI), to support existing and new micro, small, and medium-sized businesses (MSMEs) to grow their businesses to drive economic growth and create jobs and wealth for citizens. Over 3,000 citizens and residents have applied to access this loan to fund their businesses at a single-digit interest rate, and a repayment period of up to five years.”
Commissioning the completed projects – mostly inherited from the Wike administration (2015-2023) – the invited guests heaped praises on Fubara, not only for achieving commendable strides within a short time, but also for “liberating Rivers State” from Wike’s stranglehold – the same Wike that some of the invitees had praised to the heavens barely a year ago. 
  For instance, Dr Odili, an erstwhile ally of Wike, noted that Fubara “has taken full control of governance in the State,” stressing that the governor is “focusing on the people” in line with his chosen mantra: ‘People First’. It’s on Saturday, May 25, at the inauguration of the dualised Omoku-Egbema road in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni local government area (ONELGA) of the state.
 An elated Odili even predicted a seamless second-term election for Fubara in 2027, and urged him to remain focused on the people, giving succour to the less-privileged and hope to those who do not have anyone to help them go through life’s challenges.
 “I can tell our people that the next election is very far, but what the Governor has done so far, is enough to secure the support of Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area going forward,” Odili said. “Thank you, Your Excellency, because the greatest assets of the State remain the people, not oil and gas.
 “The people of Rivers are behind you, rallying support for you because they trust you, believing in what you say and convinced that you mean whatever you say,” Odili said, adding, “I want to agree with you that the sky would become the takeoff point of your administration.”
Relatedly in Abuja, it’s Wike’s days in the sky. Though he didn’t have the luxury of throwing brickbats at Fubara – and there’s no surrogates to do same for him – Wike had the rare privilege of enlisting President Bola Tinubu to launch some of the projects that were “abandoned for decades,” and received applause from Tinubu for returning and restoring Abuja’s Master Plan, and transforming the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
On Tuesday, May 28, at the commissioning of the Southern Parkway, which Wike proclaimed as “Bola Ahmed Tinubu Way” – a crucial infrastructure project that’s dormant for 13 years before Wike’s intervention – the President described the minister’s vision as “inspiring many and yielding remarkable results in the FCT.”
Tinubu said: “Barr Nyesom Wike, ‘Mr. Project,’ thank you for giving us this home and for your sincere commitment to shared values. Your revolutionary vision is inspiring many and yielding remarkable results in the FCT.”
Highlighting the significance of the road, the President said, “The Southern Parkway not only connects vital areas within the FCT, but also symbolises our collective aspirations for connectivity, ease of livelihood, and progress. This road will enhance mobility, ease traffic congestion, and spur economic development for residents and visitors alike.
“Infrastructure is an enabler of jobs, economic growth, and prosperity. We are committed to building a world-class capital city, and the completion of this road is a testament to that commitment. Making our citizens the central focus of our development is crucial for Nigeria’s success,” Tinubu stated.
Earlier, Wike noted: “This landmark project is the first amongst nine visionary projects scheduled for commissioning by Mr. President in the coming days. It represents a significant milestone in our collective efforts to enhance the infrastructure and livability of our great capital and her inhabitants.
“As we mark the first year of your transformative leadership, Mr. President, this event underscores our shared commitment to progress, innovation, and the enduring prosperity of Nigeria.”

Yet, the make-for-the-cameras pomp and ceremony, razzmatazz, accolades, hand-pumping and backslapping by politicians in Port Harcourt and Abuja are but a temporary relief or diversion to mask the “real politic” in Rivers, where Governor Fubara’s fighting the battle of his life to cage Chief Wike, and save his governorship and political career heading into the 2027 General Election. 
The fourth installment of this article on Monday, May 27, 2024, examined two strategies that Fubara could adopt to handle Wike and his sacked loyal members of the Rivers Assembly, and local council chairmen, whose tenure ends in June 2024, but have vowed to remain in office until “elected officials” were installed in the Rivers local councils. Below’s a recap:

First, Fubara could evict the lawmakers from the Rivers State House of Assembly Residential Quarters in Port Harcourt – where they and their families domicile, and use as a legislative chamber – to deny them the venue and avenue to make laws and/or plot his impeachment.
Second, Fubara could copy his counterparts, and withhold the lawmakers’ emoluments, and allocations to the legislature – as he’s allegedly done to the April 2024 allocations to the councils – to checkmate the legislators, whose seats have lately been redeclared “vacant” by a Rivers High Court.
Let’s now proceed to interrogate the remaining measures, beginning with the Third, as follows: When push comes to shove, Fubara could muscle the pro-Wike lawmakers by physical attacks on them, their homes and businesses, the aim being to overraw, and hound them, to sabotage their plans to make his government ungovernable, and pave the way for his impeachment – the aim of the lawmakers from onset of the Rivers crisis.
Recall Fubara’s declaration about the lawmakers early in 2024: “I think it has gotten to a time when I need to make a statement on this thing, so that they (lawmakers) understand that they are not existing. Their existence and whatever they have been doing is because I allowed them to do so. If I don’t recognise them, they are nowhere. That is the truth.
“I can say here, with all amount of boldness, I have never called any police man anywhere to go and harass anybody. I have never gone anywhere to ask anybody to do anything against anybody. 

“Even when I have all the instruments of State powers, I have shown restraint, I have acted as a big brother in the course of this crisis. I have not acted like a young man that may want the house to be destroyed but, I have behaved like a mature young man that I am.
 “This is because I know that no meaningful development will be achieved in an atmosphere of crisis. And because our intention for Rivers State is to build on the foundation that had been laid by our past leaders, it will be wrong for me to take the path of promoting crisis.”
Interpreted, the pro-Wike lawmakers – already in the lurch over series of court rulings sacking and re-sacking them, and voiding all legislative actions they took in the course of the Rivers crisis – shouldn’t underrate Fubara’s powers and resolve – if pushed against the wall – to roar like the lion, attack like the hyena and bite like the crocodile!
Barring any “political earthquake” this week in the Rivers crisis, the remaining measures Fubara could deploy to arrest Wike’s alleged hegemonic hold on Rivers State will be interrogated in the next installment of this running header!

  • Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

Sent from my iPad. Ehichioya
Ezomon.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Nemesis as a short distance runner

Published

on

By

Mammoth crowd with Emir Sanusi in Kano Today after Juma'at prayer

By Tunde Olusunle

When he flung Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, (SLS) out of the window of the Emir’s palace in Kano four years ago, Abdullahi Ganduje would have least imagined what is playing out today. Ganduje was the “Lord of the Manor” in Kano State, the all-powerful chief executive. Recall video clips of Ganduje allegedly stuffing wads and packs of crisp, mint-fresh dollar bills into the bottomless pocket of his babanriga ahead of the 2019 general elections. They were reportedly gifted to him by some contractor ally of the erstwhile Kano governor who was repaying a good turn. Graphic and unassailable as that short motion picture was, former President Muhammadu Buhari who rode into office on the camelback of now suspect integrity in 2015, volunteered a baffling defence for Ganduje. He swore Ganduje was most probably participating in a Kannywood movie, the way the film industry up North is described. Buhari who has never been known to operate a tablet, nay a notepad, suggested that advanced technology could actually simulate what we all saw in that short clip!

Ganduje was the prototype alagbara ma m’ero as we say in Yoruba. This interpretes as the “maximally muscular, minimally reasonable.” He fought a few other prominent Kano leaders during his heydays in Government House. Recall he carried his unabated squabbles with one of his predecessors, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the State House, Aso Villa, during the early weeks of the Bola Tinubu government. Told on one occasion that Kwankwaso was in a particular section of Aso Rock same time as he was in the complex, a vexed Ganduje said Kwankwaso should consider himself fortunate. He said he, Ganduje would have slapped Kwankwaso if he sighted him in the Villa! That would have caused a scene in Nigeria’s seat of power. I’m now just imagining how Tinubu would be trying to restrain Ganduje, in the forecourt of the office of the President, while Vice President Kashim Shettima will be pulling at Kwankwaso’s agbada in a bid to manage the situation.

Ganduje reportedly considered Sanusi too independent-minded and outspoken for a natural ruler. Sanusi was governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), before being appointed Emir in 2014. He had always had a radical streak about him which culminated in his suspension as CBN head in 2014 for blowing the whistle on the theft of $20 Billion in accruals from crude oil sales. As Emir he considered aspects of the religious and cultural practices of his emirate repugnant. He opposed the “ultra-conservative interpretation of Islam” in some parts of northern Nigeria, which discouraged girl-child education, family planning, even inoculation against potential healthcare afflictions. He had reservations about the style of Ganduje as governor and didn’t put a veil over his dislike for the return of Ganduje to Government House in 2019.

He believed Ganduje shouldn’t have made it back if the poll was fairly and transparently conducted. March 9, 2020, Ganduje upended Sanusi. He was accused of negatively impacting the sanctity, culture, tradition, religion and prestige of the Kano emirate, and disrespecting the governor’s office. He was also alleged to have disposed of property belonging to the state and the misappropriated of the proceeds. It was a case of digging several manholes for a prey in a bid to ensure he falls into one of the several traps. He was summarily banished to Nasarawa State for effect. Sanusi sought reprieve in the courts which ruled it was an overkill to fling him to a remote community faraway from his family and more accustomed home in Lagos. Within a few days, Nasir El Rufai, Sanusi’s longstanding friend who was governor of Kaduna State, personally enforced the evacuation of Sanusi from Awe local government area in Nasarawa State.

For whatever his contributions were to the emergence of Tinubu as president after the 2023 polls, Ganduje believed he would be compensated with a ministerial slot in the former’s regime. Like Nyesom Wike, David Umahi, Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, Atiku Bagudu, Simon Lalong, former governors of Rivers, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Kebbi and Plateau states, Ganduje dusted his curriculum vitae to pitch for a slot on Tinubu’s federal executive council. His five colleagues in the “2015 – 2019- 2023 class of governors” made the cut, not Ganduje. Tinubu spontaneously made him chairman of the All Progressives Congress, (APC], the vehicle which delivered him as president. Abdullahi Adamu his predecessor and former governor of Nasarawa State was, as has become standard practice in Nigeria’s notorious political rule book, schemed out and compelled to resign from office.

If Ganduje ever thought his chairmanship of the APC was going to be a walk in the park, he was thoroughly mistaken. Indeed, he’s grossed sufficient experience in his present office to know that there are sharp differences between wholesale insulation in Government House, and the inevitable overexposure of party leadership. Last April, a faction of the APC in Ganduje’s primary “Ganduje ward” in Dawakin Tofa local government area of his home state, Kano, suspended him from the party. Haladu Gwanjo, legal adviser of Ganduje’s ward led some party leaders to pronounce the suspension. They advocated the return of the national chairmanship of the APC to the north central zone, where Ganduje’s predecessor, Adamu, hails from. The young Turks canvassed due process in party administration, consistent with the “renewed hope” mantra of the APC. Ganduje made a hurried recourse to the law courts for momentary reprieve.

Thursday May 23, 2024, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was reinstated as Emir of Kano by Ganduje’s successor in Kano State, Abba Yusuf. His cousin and successor, Aminu Ado-Bayero, was unceremoniously removed from office. The splinter emirates created by Ganduje in his bid to whittle down Sanusi’s authority as prime monarch in Kano, were similarly dissolved. The edifice which Ganduje built four years ago was apparently built of straw and spittle. Governor Abba Yusuf is a product of the Kwankwasiya political tendency in Kano politics, a creation of Rabiu Kwankwaso. Those who know a little about Nigerian politics will recall that Kwankwaso’s emergence in our politics, predates the fourth republic. He was an ardent student of the talakawa political orientation, pioneered by the venerable Kano-born leader, Aminu Kano. Kwankwaso was Deputy Speaker in the House of Representatives of the Ibrahim Babangida political experimentation of 1992 to 1993.

Whereas the Kwankwasiya movement had long been entrenched, it was not until the run-up to the 2023 elections that Kwankwaso adopted a new platform, the Nigeria National People’s Party, (NNPP), on which he is espousing the populist philosophy of the Kwankwasiya brigade. Abba Yusuf rode to office on the back of this invention. It was the same way Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu the famous Biafran war lord, established the All Progressives Grand Alliance, (APGA) in Anambra State. The party has remained a force in the politics of the state and indeed the south east. It has produced three Anambra governors in succession, notably Peter Obi, Willie Obiano and the incumbent Chukwuma Soludo.

Abba Yusuf has made no pretences about his disdain for Ganduje and everything he represents. Much as some of Yusuf’s early actions in office were generally perceived as wasteful, he nonetheless brought down as many edifices in Kano as bore the imprimatur of Ganduje. The “Kano golden jubilee roundabout” built to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the creation of Kano State and structures built inside the filin sukuwa, (Kano race course), were hewn on Yusuf’s orders. The hajj camp which was reportedly bastardised by Ganduje who allegedly parcelled parts of it to his friends and associates was equally felled. There were suggestions that the value of the demolitions carried out by Yusuf could be in excess of N200Billion. Such is the anti-Ganduje sentiment in contemporary Kano State.

The way and manner the legacies of Abdullahi Ganduje are unravelling in Kano State should serve as a lesson to the shortsighted, incapable of seeing beyond the bridges of their nose. History is replete with the deconstruction of many leaders after their rulership and indeed keeps repeating itself in our sociopolitical experience. Those who are not circumspect, however, are too distracted by the allure and bliss of their immediate office, to think. They continue to drift, blunder and flounder, unmindful that time is their ultimate nemesis. Ganduje is just one year out of office, yet many of the decisions he made while in power for eight years are being unmade and thrown at his face like rotten tomatoes.

Until I joined him on the table he was seated at a wedding reception we both attended in Lagos a few weeks back, Rotimi Amaechi, governor of the oil-affluent Rivers State for eight years and Transportation Minister for another eight years was a lonely man. It turned out we flew back to Abuja on the same flight same evening after the event and sat not too far from each other. He opened the overhead locker atop his seat to bring out his luggage himself. Is anyone following the Yahaya Bello saga? He mindlessly trampled upon the hapless heads of his constituents in Kogi State for eight unbroken years? He left office last January and life has not been the same again. He has been declared wanted by at least one anti-graft agency. He will be arraigned in the rectangular, wood-panelled cubicle of the courtroom in a fortnight. A lesson for all.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2024 National Update